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Hence it talked nebulously of 'the contribution of languages This paper will argue that the latest government pronouncements are typical of a history of incremental planning in regard to foreign language learning FLL in England 1.
It will propose that this is not due solely to the multiplicity of functions the subject has been expected to fulfil, but that it is, rather, reflective of England's elitist values, though these may not necessarily have been consciously articulated, following a process which has led to self-exclusion Bourdieu and Passeron It will be suggested that successive governments have been able to conceal their ideological assumptions behind the more obvious functional reasons for learning foreign languages, and that this has been facilitated by the rise of the country's mother tongue to the position of international lingua franca.
Consequently, restricted access to FLL has covertly supported social stratification, without exciting popular outrage, the average Englishman 2 perceiving no pressing need to learn foreign languages in an increasingly anglophone world. Paradoxically, the thrust for national competence in foreign languages comes now not from the public, but from politicians, who have recognised the functional and symbolic importance of plurilingualism 3 if England is to participate actively in the European Community.
This does not imply total fluency in other languages but recognises. Partial competence - both in the level achieved in each of the competencies and in the types of competencies involved. The partial character of plurilingual competence is thus to be understood in a qualitative and quantitative fashion. European Language Council 6.
Section 2 will expand the notion of functional and ideological value, and will introduce a model for conceptualising the change required if England is to move from its current monolingual state to one of plurilingualism. The discussion will be located within the context of globalised English usage. Some statistical evidence will set the background to the Nuffield Languages Inquiry , whose brief, findings and recommendations will then be examined.
It will be suggested that precursors to these recommendations already existed amongst recent central initiatives, but that these were uncoordinated and sometimes contradictory. The government's formal response to Nuffield and subsequent action will bring the reader up to the present day. Continuing ambivalence towards the notion of plurilingualism will be found, leading the writer to conclude that FLL policy remains uncommitted and that both structural systems and acceptance of individual responsibility will be required to bring about change in the nation's FLL habits.
Section 1 has referred to the multiplicity of functions attributed to FLL: what, then, are these?
Political concern focused on standards, accountability and vocationalism Ball In other words, languages had a functional role, essentially for the individual's personal enrichment. By , the DfEE had refined these and brought in two new notions: lifelong learning and citizenship:.
Through the study of a foreign language, pupils understand and appreciate different countries, cultures people and communities - and as they do so, begin to think of themselves as citizens of the world as well as of the UK.go to link
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Pupils also learn about the basic structures of language. Their listening, reading and memory skills improve, and their speaking and writing become more accurate DfEE These aims may be compared with those of Higher Education Dearing, para. The emphasis remained functional, but it had moved to collective rather than individual needs. What is less obvious is the symbolic role of language, merely hinted at in the final bullet point. The writer argues that this has been obfuscated in order to support England's social hierarchies and that a tension exists between internal and external symbolic needs.
Some explanation is called for. It is implicitly inward-looking, providing the means for internal communication within the community, and setting speakers apart from non-speakers. It is thus a symbolic representation of the community's identity, carrying 'cultural clout' Edwards, : 40 for those who speak it as well as being a practical tool for communication. The ability to speak the language of another community provides an instrument which allows access to their culture; conversely, if other communities can speak your language, they have a powerful tool for accessing your community.
Evolution of a national strategy for foreign language learning
Language therefore has both an inward- and an outward-looking functional value, and a symbolic value associated with identity. The potential for communication outside the community will have positive and negative elements.
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Notwithstanding the practical, functional, value of speaking another language, and the political and economic need to communicate with other nations, access to knowledge of another language is potentially socially divisive in that it gives access to another culture, from which 'subversive' ideas may be borrowed Warschauer, Said and Zohry Here, external functional need is in conflict with internal ideological need. On the one hand, it gives those who speak the foreign language power to communicate beyond their own community and to initiate that communication, when the other community remains monolingual.
In terms of external relations, then, plurilingualism is a potential source of power. On the other hand, though, being able to communicate with the outside community both invades one symbol of its social identity a source of power in relation to that community and potentially exposes the plurilingual speaker to cultural influences which may undermine his own community's identity a threat to the power of his own community. The dilemma, then, is that any language has these dual functional and symbolic values, which may become problematic once plurilingualism allows penetration of either one's own or another's community.
On these grounds alone, it might be felt politically desirable to restrict access to foreign language learning to a minority of 'select' individuals who are not likely to threaten national unity Lawton This creates a camouflage for those with a more personal motivation for restricting access to FLL. The writer has argued elsewhere Willis that the history of FLL in England provides evidence of political manipulation aimed at sustaining social hierarchies.
This is because the bilingual group has the power to communicate both internally and externally, and the monolingual majority can communicate only internally.
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Figure 1 illustrates such a situation, at the stage where the bilinguals are a minority group and it is through them that any proactive communication with the outside world occurs. The direction of communication possible is indicated by the arrows. Monolingualism has, over time, become the norm for England, but as a symbol of a mighty nation, the English language held status abroad Graddol It brought the same promise of privilege which bilingual speakers in England had enjoyed, both within their own society and as communicators between societies.
This was not the result of any intrinsic linguistic advantage but was, rather, a reflection of the political strength of its native speakers: 'English is the password language of an international elite, far larger in scale than French or Latin ever was. This is the result of history, of empire building, and the power of the United States' Buruma As the linguistic gatekeepers between a more powerful nation and their own, speakers of English assumed real and symbolic power, 'symbolic domination' Bourdieu So, as a consequence of England's erstwhile political power, English acquired an international, practical, value for other nations.
This has had both functional and ideological implications for England, affecting its citizens' need and willingness to learn other languages. At the functional level, there has been little apparent practical need to learn foreign languages so long as other nations have been willing to learn English. Symbolically, the country has been able to maintain one element of its identity, its language, and to adhere to the inward-looking model. The writer suggests that this has been politically convenient to those who sought to control access to FLL for reasons of social stratification, but that it is misguided in the present-day context of globalised English.
Even when allowance is made for alternative examinations, this figure is disappointingly low. It is also apparent from Figure 2 that the traditional range of languages still predominates and that gender differences in performance remain. When the longitudinal picture for the same languages is examined at undergraduate level, a serious decline can be traced in each, with the sole exception of Spanish, whose popularity has risen, perhaps because of its obvious functional value as Spanish-speaking resorts offer prime holiday destinations.